BEHAVIOR OF THE COMMUNITY OF LOS RESGUARDOS DE GUANGÜÍ AND SAN MIGUEL DE INFÍ
- Justify that the model of consumer behavior in individual decision-making does not apply in the indigenous communities of the Eperara Siapidara people. Explain how the model is developed within the community.
INTRODUCTION
Given the different difficulties faced by the community of the Eperara Siapidara for the commercialization of products, the shortage of money, their self-consumption economy, their beliefs, globalization and other factors of an economic, political, social and cultural order; These communities have found themselves in a climate of conformity for individual decision-making when choosing a product.
For this reason, a first look at the ethnographic part will be given in this work, in order to understand and explain why the consumer behavior model does not apply to these communities; and later, explain what would be the possible model that could be implemented there based on elements such as: seeking improvements in commercialization, identification of markets, solutions to the transportation problem, among others.
1. ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES
Social context:
- Historical-geographical data: The two reserves are located in the jungles of the Colombian Pacific, characterized as a Very Humid Tropical Forest and where one of the greatest biodiversity on Earth develops. They are settled in the departments of Valle, Cauca and Nariño. Its undulating topography is part of the foothills of the Western Cordillera, with an altitude that ranges between 50 and 500 meters above sea level. The average temperature is 28º C, with a very high humidity (approximately 95%). Most of its population resides on the banks of the Infí and Guangüí rivers, tributaries of the San Bernardo, which is a tributary of the Saija river before its mouth into the Pacific Ocean. The first inhabitants settled in the region for several centuries,having forcibly displaced from Chocó for political and economic reasons during the time of the Conquest.Social aspects: The members of the Eperara Siapidara ethnic group are part of the great Embera family. They have a social organization based on kinship, that is, on the group of relatives up to the fourth degree of consanguinity; These relatives are recognized by surnames, some of their own origin such as Chirimía, Chiripúa, Puama, Quiro, Poirama, and others of Spanish origin, such as Valencia, Mejía, etc. Their marriage is monogamous, with unions preferably in fact. Inbred marriage alliances prevail, that is, between people of the same reservation who are not related to each other. Their family is long by tradition, but they tend to constitute nuclear families that build their homes on land of the paternal or maternal family; likewise, their offspring rules are patri-matrilineal.The traditional settlement pattern is scattered, but there is also a very recent tendency to concentrate in small hamlets or villages. The decentralizing processes that are taking place in the nation have been reflected in the internal dynamics of the Guangüí reservation, promoting the constitution of the four communities with their respective civil authorities.Economic Aspects: Although the subsistence economy has characterized its production system, the monetarist market economy begins to penetrate and dominate its relations and forms of production, increasingly impoverishing their families and communities. The property of the territory of the reservation is collective, although the usufruct is familiar, and this has been constitutionally declared as unattachable, inalienable and imprescriptible. Precisely this territory constitutes the main community heritage but requires a process of cleaning up, expanding and redemarking its borders. They survive with many deficiencies thanks to five productive activities: agriculture, artisanal, fishing, hunting and forestry. The family, with all its members,He participates in the different economic tasks, although particular trades are assigned to each gender and age. In general, agricultural and artisanal production has been discouraged due to the lack of marketing opportunities, given the great distances from the resguardos to urban centers. This economic crisis is generating the displacement, temporary or permanent, of some families and especially of the youth and child population towards the Alto Micay region where they are employed as day laborers in the collection of coca leaves, a situation that, like fumigations, in Alto Micay, they begin to generate pressure for illicit crops to be started within the resguardos, prohibited by traditional authorities, communities and councils.In general, agricultural and artisanal production has been discouraged due to the lack of marketing opportunities, given the great distances from the resguardos to urban centers. This economic crisis is generating the displacement, temporary or permanent, of some families and especially of the youth and child population towards the Alto Micay region where they are employed as day laborers in the collection of coca leaves, a situation that, like fumigations, in Alto Micay, they begin to generate pressure for illicit crops to be started within the resguardos, prohibited by traditional authorities, communities and councils.In general, agricultural and artisanal production has been discouraged due to the lack of marketing opportunities, given the great distances from the resguardos to urban centers. This economic crisis is generating the displacement, temporary or permanent, of some families and especially of the youth and child population towards the Alto Micay region where they are employed as day laborers in the collection of coca leaves, a situation that, like fumigations, in Alto Micay, they begin to generate pressure for illicit crops to be started within the resguardos, prohibited by traditional authorities, communities and councils.This economic crisis is generating the displacement, temporary or permanent, of some families and especially of the youth and child population towards the Alto Micay region where they are employed as day laborers in the collection of coca leaves, a situation that, like fumigations, in Alto Micay, they begin to generate pressure for illicit crops to be started within the resguardos, prohibited by traditional authorities, communities and councils.This economic crisis is generating the displacement, temporary or permanent, of some families and especially of the youth and child population towards the Alto Micay region where they are employed as day laborers in the collection of coca leaves, a situation that, like fumigations, in Alto Micay, they begin to generate pressure for illicit crops to be started within the resguardos, prohibited by traditional authorities, communities and councils.They begin to create pressure for illicit crops to be started within the resguardos, prohibited by traditional authorities, communities and councils.They begin to create pressure for illicit crops to be started within the resguardos, prohibited by traditional authorities, communities and councils.Political Aspects: Although there has been a traditional authority that identifies the Eperara Siapidara, the new circumstances of the national order led first to the constitution of the two reservations, and then, in 1986, of the first council for the Guangüí reservation, and later other councils for the Infí reservation and each of the four communities in Guangüí; These councils are responsible for the community organization and management processes. Similarly, towards the end of the 1980s, the first regional indigenous organization of the Eperara was created, but different circumstances led to its dissolution and the creation of three other sub-regional associations: two in Cauca and one in Nariño. Precisely Aciesca has been gestating for four years and managed to obtain its legal status in 2000;It is administered by a Board of Directors, made up of the governors of the five councils, who are especially responsible for inter-institutional management and coordination of matters related to the two reservations. With the Political Constitution of 1991, the indigenous reserves were declared as Territorial Entities similar to the municipalities, with which they conquered the right to rule their destinies with greater autonomy; Although they have achieved greater management capacity before governmental and non-governmental organizations, the state of marginalization in which the State has the indigenous and black communities in the region is still evident. Education and health are the only public services provided by the State directly in the resguardos and by demand from the communities themselves,although with unfortunate deficiencies and deficiencies.Cultural aspects: The Cacicazgo has been the traditional authority at the head of the Tachi Akore and Tachi Nawe, who exercise priestly and religious functions, constituting themselves as the institution that maintains the unity and identity of all the Sía People. Currently there are three women who hold this investiture, family and hereditary but also charismatic, who permanently move to all the Siapidara communities in the departments of the southern Colombian Pacific, and even to Chocó. The Chiefs, as mediators between the communities and said authorities, are responsible, on the one hand, for transmitting the community proposals and concerns to the Tachi Nawe, and on the other hand, supporting them in the exercise of their functions by organizing collective religious celebrations.Another special institution that characterizes the Eperara are the Jaipana, shamans or witches with powers over the spirits that cause health and disease. Although the population is bilingual, the Sía Pedée language continues to be its main instrument of internal communication, using Spanish only for communication with external agents. The cultural identity of individuals and communities is fundamentally built and sustained by this religious and linguistic system, although in recent decades it has been exposed to multiple pressures and impositions of the majority national culture, generating critical acculturation processes. Precisely one of the factors of acculturation has been formal education.Although the population is bilingual, the Sía Pedée language continues to be its main instrument of internal communication, using Spanish only for communication with external agents. The cultural identity of individuals and communities is fundamentally built and sustained by this religious and linguistic system, although in recent decades it has been exposed to multiple pressures and impositions of the majority national culture, generating critical acculturation processes. Precisely one of the factors of acculturation has been formal education.Although the population is bilingual, the Sía Pedée language continues to be its main instrument of internal communication, using Spanish only for communication with external agents. The cultural identity of individuals and communities is fundamentally built and sustained by this religious and linguistic system, although in recent decades it has been exposed to multiple pressures and impositions of the majority national culture, generating critical acculturation processes. Precisely one of the factors of acculturation has been formal education.The cultural identity of individuals and communities is fundamentally built and sustained by this religious and linguistic system, although in recent decades it has been exposed to multiple pressures and impositions of the majority national culture, generating critical acculturation processes. Precisely one of the factors of acculturation has been formal education.The cultural identity of individuals and communities is fundamentally built and sustained by this religious and linguistic system, although in recent decades it has been exposed to multiple pressures and impositions of the majority national culture, generating critical acculturation processes. Precisely one of the factors of acculturation has been formal education.
Productive context:
Their economic dynamics can be classified as subsistence, due to the fact that the production of marketable surpluses is very scarce and due to the preservation of traditional ways of procuring their livelihood. However, the progressive penetration of manifestations of the monetary economy that has further impoverished the population is verified, in addition to the agrarian and neoliberal policies of opening, globalization and internationalization of the economy that have so negatively affected peasants and indigenous people. With the exception of some people who have stable jobs, such as teachers and health promoters, the vast majority of families earn incomes well below the current legal minimum wage.
The concept of the territoriality of the Sía people takes on special meaning, not only for the productive practices linked to the environment, but for its explicit cultural references. The territory in which the resguardos are located constitutes the main means of production. There is a dual ownership of land; According to the National Constitution, the lands of the indigenous reserves are collective property and have been declared inalienable, imprescriptible and unattachable, but there is a family usufruct, that is, each family has the right to inherit a certain extension of the territory, since exploit the resources found there. In addition, some communities have made an option to develop productive community-type projects,for which they are in the process of constitution of collective plots.
Different economic activities favor different forms and relations of production. Usually in agriculture and fishing all members of a family are involved, including children; but there is a traditional system recognized as minga, in which the participation of other people is demanded for special activities such as the removal of a foal, the opening of a forest for planting or the construction of “te waibia” or “casa grande” the largest cultural gathering center within the Sía community. In any case, work becomes a strong bond of family and social integration. Culturally, different assignments are given to the role that the two genders must fulfill in some tasks.
As previously mentioned, the families of the two resguardos have historically survived thanks to five productive activities, among which we must highlight, for the purpose of this project, those of an agricultural and livestock nature. However, it should be noted that the livestock line has been an activity that they have incorporated into their productive activities for just three decades, given the scarcity of game animals. Even this process of appropriation of said technology, and especially with regard to poultry, has been operated with great caution and slowness for strictly cultural reasons.
Rainforest agriculture has become the main line of the economy. Their crops are itinerant, that is, their rotation is required due to the poverty of the soils. Banana planting, banana varieties, corn, cassava, sugar cane and papachina stand out, as well as some fruit trees: lemon, pineapple, star apple, borojo, papaya and chontaduro. You can also see small home and medicinal gardens, as well as livestock activity related to the breeding of some domestic species such as chickens, chickens and some pigs.
Traditionally, the Embera man has self-valued himself as a hunter, but these resources are already scarce in the middle. Hunting is a predominantly male and nocturnal activity. Among the mammals the most precious prey are deer, rabbits, gutters, tatabros, saínos, armadillos, monkeys and other rodents; among the birds: the pavón, the kettle, the partridge and the paletón; among the reptiles: the iguana, the turtle and the piandé. Hunting is preferably done with a dog and a shotgun, which displaced the bow and blowgun, and sometimes they help themselves with some traps.
For fishing they use different techniques: rod and hook, fishing line, barbasco, harpoon and diving, netting, pots, bow and arrow, etc. In the Guangüí river and its tributaries the varieties are small: sardines, mojarras, bearded, guacucos, rabisecos, biringos, bocones, nalbos, lambearenas, shrimp, freshwater prawn, etc.
The artisanal work stands out for the basketry practiced by women, whose raw material is the teapot, a vine grown in the region. The farming of foals or canoes, the weaving of cast nets and the making of wooden tools for domestic and agricultural use becomes a second masculine craft activity. Finally the practical extinction of ceramic work that was feminine is mentioned.
Forestry is characterized by two types of activities: harvesting and logging. The first is done at the time of harvesting some wild fruits: lulos, breadfruit, guamas, curubas, arbutus, etc., although some molluscs such as crabs, crab, snails, pianguas, are collected in the mangroves along the sea. clams, etc. The extraction of timber species, among which stand out the cedar, guayacán, jiguarrastrojo, nalde, cumin, laurel, peinemono, etc., is mainly intended for canoe farming, home construction, food cooking and processing of tools. But it should also be noted that some species also have medicinal uses.
Especially within extended families, the circulation of some products linked to these activities occurs, that is, the fruit of some harvest, fishing or hunting is shared.
The economy of the eperara communities is one of subsistence, for which reason there are few marketable surpluses, which are sold or exchanged for other products, in the closest black communities. The products that are marketed are the banana and the papachina, the rolls of straw and braids (these rolls are made with the teapot bark) and sometimes crafts made of teapot fiber (hats, baskets, mats,…, etc.) are sold at the mouth of the Saija river reaching values of 20,000 pesos for the banana ration (64 plantains) and from 1,000 to 1,500 pesos for the papachina tuber. The inhabitants of San Miguel de Infí load ½ to 1 ration of plantain on their backs for a period of between 1 and 1 ½ hours, to sell it in the black farmhouse of San Bernardo. Straw and teapot braids are sold in Timbiquí,in Boca de Saija and Guapi at 900 pesos royo de paja and 2,000 pesos royo de trenza. Handicrafts are in Timbiquí and Guapi, when the owner of the handicrafts or a member of her family are going to do some errand or when they are ordered. When these products cannot be sold, the indigenous people exchange them for dried fish, crab, piangua, coconut or iguana.
Black communities buy fresh and dried fish, pigs, honey, and panela and viche sweets (cane brandy). It is also customary for indigenous people to sell canoes to blacks, since they recognize their ability to manufacture these boats, paying prices between 60,000 and 100,000 pesos depending on the wood and the size of the canoe.
This incipient trade with black communities has been diminished in the last decade by the drastic decrease in banana production during this period.
With the black communities settled near the sea, commercialization occurs in the form of barter or sale of some surpluses, mainly bananas, in order to acquire seafood and coconut. On the other hand, the small stores supply through Buenaventura some grains and groceries of general use: rice, batteries, canned goods, sugar, salt, etc.
2. ANALYSIS OF THE CONSUMER BEHAVIOR MODEL
According to the consumer's model of behavior in terms of individual decision-making, a consumer's purchase is an answer to a problem. (Solomon, p. 267, 1997).
In the individual decision-making, 4 steps are presented when it comes to having the need to purchase a product and make the selection of this good by brand, price or some type of added value that it brings and other factors.
These steps are: recognition of the problem, search for information, evaluation of alternatives, and finally, product selection. (Solomon, p. 267, 1997).
a) Recognition of the problem
It occurs when the consumer notices a significant difference between his current situation and some desired or ideal situation. A problem can be represented as a lack (recognition of a need) or as an improvement (recognition of an opportunity). (Solomon, p. 271, 1997).
An example that could well identify this situation is the substitution of rice cultivation to buy it now in the cooperative, where it is already sheathed and packed ready for consumption. Here is the recognition of an opportunity.
b) Search for information
It is the process by which the consumer observes his environment in search of adequate data to make a reasonable decision. Since the search for information can be internal or external; where the internal is the search in their memory banks, according to previous experience since they live in a culture of consumption; and the external occurs by simple contact with the environment (people, billboard advertising, etc.). (Solomon, p. 272-275, 1997).
It is clear that due to the conditions in which the Eperara newspaper is carried out, the search for information takes place externally due to: the lack of electricity that makes it almost impossible to watch television; the entrance of people from the “outside world”, like the University itself, in which they, in the midst of their curiosity, ask questions and ask for suggestions; the observation of advertising on billboards or posters when they are in one of the distribution or trade centers of the area such as Guapi or Timbiquí.
But this is not always a golden rule, since they must "submit" to the type of product that reaches the cooperative, without waiting for this or that brand, or this or that price; Therefore, if they have the knowledge, they must adjust to what they have, ending up choosing the product not through an analysis of information, but simply out of need or desire.
For example:
- The cultivated corn varieties are yellow and white, with similar characteristics, only differentiated by the color of their kernels. There is no evident predilection for any of them, the variety to be sown being determined by the seed that has been acquired.Regularly, 2 types of batteries come to the cooperative Varta and Tronex, they know that Varta is better than Tronex, but the When it comes to making the choice, all you are interested in is that the battery is going to make a radio work.
c) Evaluation of alternatives
At this point there are several stages: identification of alternatives, product categorization, strategic implications of product categorization (positioning and repositioning, definition of competitors, quality of the prototype, promotion of interest, location of products) and choice between different alternatives. (Solomon, p. 280-284, 1997).
It is here where we ratify the non-compliance of the model, since most of the products that reach the receipt are of a single brand, they do not have competition neither in price, nor in brand, nor in substitutes. In addition, the products are not organized on shelves where the community can enter to see location, promotions, tastings, etc., as these are located as in a small warehouse where the person only goes and asks to be dispatched. There is no contact with the product.
There are very few alternatives, so the sense of individual decision making is practically nil.
d) Product selection
Finally, the product selection decision is not made by the aforementioned factors, but rather by the product as such. For example: rice, sugar, salt, batteries, gasoline; it is chosen not for the brand, the price, the quantity but for the product as such. If the brand, price or any other characteristics of this will change, they simply don't care because it has nowhere else to choose.
3. MODEL OF DISTRIBUTION OF THE PEOPLE SÍA
It was already clear how the Eperara community's individual decision-making model is for choosing a product.
Now we will analyze how the products that the Sía people can commercialize could have better levels of distribution and commercialization to obtain higher incomes and a continuous source of work and thus improve their quality of life.
Currently there are great difficulties in marketing the products, such as: low production levels (since it is practically for self-consumption), transportation to take it to nearby black communities or to distribution centers such as Guapi or Timbiquí, the lack of identification of markets, the abuses (in terms of price) to which they are subjected by the "buyers", among others.
Perhaps the clearest example in which good results could be borne at the distribution level would be crafts and bakery. As the circumstances of both are more or less similar, we will focus the analysis on handicrafts since these have a competitive advantage from the point of view of the raw material, since in the shelter it is the only part where it can be obtained.
According to Lambin “a distribution channel is a structure formed by the parties that intervene in the process of competitive exchange, in order to make the goods and services available to consumers or industrial users. These parties are the consumers, the intermediaries and the buying consumers. ” (Lambin, p. 413, 1995).
This is precisely where the problem lies, in the lack of planning and market knowledge.
The man from time immemorial has made trade with different products, either sale or exchange (barter), which has made him meet his needs to survive or just for business.
The history with the Eperara Siapidara community is no exception. The handicrafts that are produced are often lost due to the lack of good distribution channels and clear trade policies.
The teapot is the raw material to make all kinds of artisan products such as: Hats, baskets, fans, flasks, mats, etc., which are sold..
Perhaps the greatest impediment to carrying out the commercialization work is transportation, given the distance to the different commercial centers. But apart from the remoteness, there is another factor that affects the fact that a good marketing of products has not been developed is the lack of marketing channels so that the products have a permanent demand.
This is due to: the lack of knowledge on the part of the indigenous people, the abuses to which they are subjected by other races (blacks, whites) regarding the price and quantity of product, the lack of market research to glimpse the possible opportunities that they have, the disinformation on the part of the mayor's office and the department to invite them to fairs and to offer them opportunities to commercialize the product.
For this, strategies have been proposed which are being studied by the group of artisans to see if they are applied or not. These strategies are:
- The creation of a common fund, in which a monthly fee is collected to subsidize the finished merchandise and the exit of the merchandise to the different distribution centers. It is looking for a way to make a monopoly in the management of prices and distribution of the teapot fiber since it is only available in the shelter; and this represents a competitive advantage with respect to the finished product competitors; but this has not been known to exploit. It is looking for a way to get a distributor (who is indigenous to the reservation) who lives or is interested in living in one of the marketing centers, so that the merchandise is sold to them and thus producer and distributor benefit. This reflects an inflow of money from the indigenous to the indigenous.Support is being sought to set up a distribution channel on the Island of Gorgona, as it is known that the receipt, as it belongs to the department of Cauca (same to which the Island belongs), has the right to have an “awning” for the distribution of products in said Island
CONCLUSIONS
- There is evidence of a lack of individual decision-making due to the few market and commercialization opportunities available in the area. The community is subject to what the market draws to the place, since they cannot afford to demand or We must improve relationships, look for alternatives and take advantage of opportunities to find appropriate distribution channels that serve to make crafts a permanent means of income for artisans. Seek support from different organizations so that they can go out to different fairs that are held in the country. Find ways to make transportation more efficient for the entry and exit of products and thus contribute to the economy and well-being of the people.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
- SOLOMON Michael R. Consumer behavior. Prentice Hall. 3rd Edition. 1997. P. 267 - 296.LAMBIN Jean Jaques. Strategic marketing. Mc Graw Hill. 3rd Edition. 1995. P. 413-466.
