Introduction
The "modern" women's movement was born at the dawn of the struggle for equality and emancipation, immediately after the independence of the USA (1776) and the French Revolution (1789) and the other liberal-bourgeois revolutions that raised as a central objective the achievement of legal equality and political freedoms and rights.
The great contradiction that marked the struggle of the first feminism soon emerged: the freedoms, rights and legal equality that had been the great conquests of the liberal revolutions did not affect women. The "Rights of Man and of the Citizen" proclaimed by the French Revolution referred exclusively to "man" and not to all human beings.
From that moment, in Western Europe and North America a movement began, “Feminism”, which worked for the equality of women and their liberation. During this period, the main objective of the women's movement was the achievement of the right to vote. Thus was born the suffrage movement.
The present research work aims to disseminate the "Feminist Movement in Peru", a subject very little known among Peruvians and in a higher percentage among Peruvians.
The monograph is divided into three chapters: the first develops the conceptual framework, the second focuses on the feminist movement, and the last, deals with the Approaches or points of view on the Peruvian Feminist Movement
For the preparation of this document, the Encyclopedias Room of the National Library of Peru, the Documentation Center of the Ministry of Women, and publications of the family library were consulted.
We wish to express our gratitude to all those who have supported us to successfully complete this investigation.
Chapter I
Conceptual framework
Next we will expose the most important concepts related to the Feminist Movement.
1.1. Feminist
According to the Dictionary of the Spanish Language (Real Academia Española, 2001), Belonging to or relating to feminism or supporter of feminism.
1.2 Feminism
The Royal Spanish Academy, states that Feminism is the social doctrine favorable to women, to whom it grants capacity and rights reserved before to men.
The Dictionary of Sociology (Theodorson, 1978), states that Feminism is the social movement originated in England, during the eighteenth century that aims to achieve certain social, political and economic rights for women and tries to grant them equality in relation to man. The feminist movement, in general, has paralleled the spread of the Industrial Revolution, the concomitant deterioration of traditional norms and the achievement of women's economic independence. Currently, in the West, having achieved its original goals, feminism has become more of a psychological state that is a social movement. It continues to be a social movement in certain nations that are in the process of industrialization, in particular,in those in which women have been traditionally relegated to a subordinate position.
Likewise, Feminism (Creatividad y Cambio, 1994), is a Social and Political Movement that supposes the awareness of women, as a group or human collective, of the oppression, domination and subordination to which they have been subjected by the Patriarchy. This awareness moves them to action for their liberation and for the transformation of the Society as a whole.
In addition, Feminism (Garzaro, 1997), is a political-social movement that advocates the granting of women the same conditions, the same rights and the same obligations that men have in the economic, social and political spheres.
Also, Feminism (Warren, 1996) is a social movement in favor of the advancement of women, especially in the political and economic spheres.
Feminism is for us, as a social movement, one of the most significant historical manifestations of the struggle undertaken by women to achieve their rights. Although the mobilization in favor of the vote, that is, suffragism, has been one of its most important axes, suffragism and feminism cannot be equated. The latter has a very broad protest base that, at times, contemplates voting, but which, on other occasions, also demands social demands such as the elimination of civil discrimination for married women or access to education, to paid work.
1.3 Femininity
The Dictionary of the Spanish Language (RAE, 2001; volume I), cites that it is the abnormal state of the male in which one or more female sexual characters appear.
In this sense, the Critical Dictionary of Feminism (Hirata, 2002) explains that this term designates characteristics and qualities socially and culturally attributed to women. Masculinity and femininity exist and are defined for their relationship. It is the social relations between the sexes marked by male dominance, which determine what is considered "normal" for men and women.
Chapter II
Feminist movement
2.1 History
The first essays on 'the woman question' criticized the restrictive role of women, but did not point to culprits for the disadvantages of women or of men. Mary Wollstonecraft's work A Vindication of Women's Rights is one of the few writings before the 19th century that can be called a feminist without fear of ambiguity. By modern standards, her metaphor of women as nobility, elite of society, pampered, frail, and prone to intellectual and moral laziness, sounds like a male argument. Wollstonecraft believed that both sexes contributed to this situation and took for granted that women had considerable power over men. In 1791 Olympe de Gouges made the "Declaration of the Rights of Women and Citizens"
It is often claimed that feminism was born in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, when people began to perceive that women are oppressed in a macho society (see patriarchy). The feminist movement has its roots in the West and especially in the reform movement of the 19th century. The organized movement dates from the date of the first convention for women's rights, in New York in 1848. More than a century and a half later, the movement has grown and taken diverse perspectives on what constitutes discrimination against women. The early feminists are often called 'the first wave' and, after 1960, 'the second wave'.
2.2 Definition
It is a social movement originated in England during the 18th century that aims to achieve certain social, political and economic rights for women and tries to grant them equality in relation to men. The feminist movement, in general, has been parallel to the spread of the Industrial Revolution (), the concomitant deterioration of traditional norms and the achievement of economic independence for women. Today, in the West, having achieved its original goals, feminism has become more of a psychological state - a constellation of certain attitudes held by individual women - which is a social movement. It continues to be a social movement in certain nations that are in the process of industrialization, in particular,in those in which women have been traditionally relegated to a subordinate position.
Speaking of "feminist movements" allows to designate under the same denomination the various forms of women's movements; liberal or "bourgeois" feminism, radical feminism, Marxist or socialist women, lesbian women and black women, and all forms of current movements. The expression “women's movements” therefore represents the mobilizations of women with a single objective, such as the popular women's movements in Latin America or the peace movements in Ireland or the Middle East.
2.3 Feminist Movements and their relationship with other movements
Feminists generally take a holistic approach to politics, believing in the words of Martin Luther King, "a threat to justice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." Following this belief, feminists usually support other movements such as the civil rights movement and the gay rights movement. At the same time, many black feminists, like Angela Davis, criticize that the feminist movement is dominated by white women.
However, feminists sometimes show their concern for the transsexual movement as it challenges the distinctions between men and women.
Transsexuality is rejected by radical feminism, which considers that masculinity and femininity are socio-cultural constructions, and therefore, feeling like a man or a woman is meaningless and contributes to sexism.
2.4 Impact of the feminist movement in the West
Feminism has brought about many changes in Western society, including women's suffrage, equal employment, the right to file for divorce, the right of women to control their own bodies and medical decisions (including abortion), and many others. Many feminists argue, however, that much remains to be done. Since Western society has turned in favor of many feminist principles, many of these have ceased to be considered feminist to become general principles of the population.
Many beliefs considered radical in the past are now part of common political thought. Almost no one in today's Western societies questions women's right to vote or property, concepts that were viewed with great strangeness 200 years ago.
In some cases (notably equal pay for equal work) great strides have been made, but feminists still fight to achieve their full goals.
2.5 World statistics
Despite the progress made by women towards equality in the West, much remains to be done, according to international statistics.
Women own only 1% of the world's wealth, and earn close to 10% of the income, despite making up more than 51% of the population.
When caring for children and the home is considered, women as a homemaker work longer than men in both industrialized and developing countries.
Women have a much lower legislative representation compared to men: Switzerland has the highest number of women with 42%, while the world average is 9%.
On average, women earn 30% less than men, even for equal tasks.
Chapter III
Peruvian feminist movement
3.1 Definition
It is the movement that aims to fight for the autonomy, equality and diversity of the rights of Peruvian women. One of the challenges for women in recent years is to expose the links of how the global system of domination is structured, of a Peruvian machista society, which is sustained through daily violence against women in its various manifestations.
One of the topics that has been studied the most is that of commodification, for example, the way in which women's bodies are converted into instruments of trade policies. Female bodies are seen as merchandise; among others, as advertising figures on television, in the street, anywhere. With this, the prostitution and sex trafficking industry has also grown.
Approaches to the Peruvian feminist movement
The Women's Movement in Peru will develop from three points of view: the political, the feminist and the urban popular.
3.1.1 Political Approach
It is that linked to the political movements that from the beginning of this century were assigned to the range of the left, that is, those of a reformist or revolutionary, anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist character, which mobilized women towards their political projects for social change.
From conservative political groups there has not been an organic and permanent attempt to mobilize women, except on two occasions to counter popular protest; the first of them was in 1930 under the dictatorial military regime of Luis M. Sánchez Cerro and the second in the 1950s during the government of General Manual A. Odría with characteristics similar to those of the first.
The anarchists
The development of syndicalist anarchism in our country reached its peak between 1911 and 1924, a period that coincided with the publication of its publication "La Protesta". This current displaced the mutualism that until then had been hegemonic in the working-class environment but collected the habits and customs of the working-class culture fostered by this current, whose central feature was to assume the problems of the working class in its double productive and reproductive aspect. that is, it did not focus partially on the worker as an individual worker, nor did the demands revolve exclusively around wages. The social subject of their actions was the working family - cohabitant or spouse, children,grandparents or relatives that made up each family unit- therefore the needs that were aspired to be satisfied were those that were collected in each of its members: children, youth, women, the elderly, etc., thus involving diverse topics such as education, health, and the "social ills" that threatened each of its members, including: sexual exploitation, prostitution, abortion, etc.
In addition, the set of this problem was collectively assumed as a class from there that under mutualism (mutual benefit regime that serves as the basis for certain associations) and anarchism (political doctrine that advocates the disappearance of the state and all power) unionism (system of labor organization through the Union = Workers' Association constituted for the defense and promotion of professional, economic or social interests of its members), women's organizations were promoted. Women's sections were sponsored in the Workers' Committees to develop educational activities aimed at working youth in order to provide them with professionalization and training for industrial and commercial work. In this way, by properly working-class initiativethe first "Technical Schools for Women" were created 1
On the other hand, the role of women in workers' associations was to channel help among their members in case of illness and death. These organizations had an economic fund to attend to these cases but it also happened that in the face of major eventualities they were in charge of collecting money, and if necessary, directly assisting the affected families.
With the advent of anarchism, these practices were re-dimensioned by recreating their hierarchies under the logic of the new doctrinal elements that brought about class contradictions between the proletariat (exploited peasant workers) and the capitalists (business owners of the means of production, factory or exploiters) which were observed in economic exploitation and reflected in poor wages. What generated the organization of the union and the strike to fight against this situation.
The creation of the trade unions had an exclusion effect for women, because their composition was limited to direct workers, most of whom were men, also because they were loaded with determining ideological elements (women could not participate in acts of violence); and finally, because it was conceived as a means of public political management in society, which was reserved for men.
The workers were excluded from the union even though they worked in the same factory or perhaps because of it because the male power that was entrenched in the union also served them to face the fear that their colleagues inspired in them for being considered a threat to their job stability. However, women of this social class faced discrimination making use of the experience gained in their mutual associations.
When the labor unions went on strike 2 the networks established by the women for mutual aid were used to sustain the strike not only in collecting money but in multiple activities to successfully remove the demands of their colleagues: they in committees turned to others popular sectors in search of solidarity and the circles of the ruling political classes of the same bourgeoisie to intercede with their bosses.3
In this sense, the role of women was extremely important in popularizing union struggles. However, their participation also extended to direct action in the struggle, they organized the “common pot” 4 and deployed defensive actions against police repression 5.
The nature of his participation in these crucial and dramatic moments produced a change of attitude in his colleagues. Since in some unions they accepted the participation of women in the assemblies and in some they even held positions within the leadership structure.
Women were the founders of cultural centers and workers' libraries in Lima and the provinces; they maintained their functioning and through them they established an organic network of relations between various worker nuclei. In the same way, they ventured into the working-class press, reflecting on women's problems and calling on women to mobilize.
The analysis on the feminine condition that the anarcho-syndicalists elaborated started from the principles and assumptions that they shared with their colleagues and therefore also in their general aspect they converged on the same proposals; the difference lay in the fact that the topics they addressed always involved women under an approach that fostered female protagonism. Hence, the discourse of the anarcho - syndicalists made permanent allusion to the utopia of "freedom and equality between the sexes" offered by this project and from that perspective elaborated its analysis and its reflection on the situation of working class women.
For this reason, in addition to denouncing the condition of object in which capital and the church placed women, they warned about their manifestations among the workers. For example, they brought to light the violence against women that exists between working-class couples. They were also in charge of demystifying the idealized image that the anarchists had built about concubinage or coexistence without a marriage bond, very common in the working-class circles of Lima.
The greatest expression of the anarchists was through the press with "La Crítica", a newspaper edited and directed by Dora Mayer 6 and Miguelina Acosta Cárdenas, the originality of the approaches and actions of the former, brought her closer to the anarchists, especially to Miguelina Acosta, recognized leader of that movement.
Towards its end, anarcho-syndicalism opened a debate with autonomous feminists. The discrepancy was over female suffrage, which anarchists opposed as well as any other type of participation in formal politics. However, this particular difference is one of the antecedents in the political gap between politicians and feminists especially when the first modern political parties were formed.
B. The Apristas
The American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA), founded as a continental political front, was converted into a Peruvian political party in 1928 by the work of its founder and leader, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Until then, the intellectual generation that emerged with the university reform of 1919 had remained united but the founding of the Aprista Party opened the gap between them and with the creation of the Socialist Party by José Carlos Mariátegui, the division deepened.
For feminist intellectuals and activists, the consequences were even more drastic: firstly because the party's political choice divided them - the controversy between both parties was bitter and frontal - especially when the Socialist Party became communist after the death of Mariategui.
Second, the pioneering intellectuals of feminist political theory opted for autonomy and even distancing when they realized that their programmatic points had no place in these spaces. This must have been the reason why the new militants decided to silence feminist demands.
In APRA this process was directly experienced by the poet Magda Portal, founder of the party and member of its National Executive, in charge of organizing the women's section, together with Carmen Rosa Rivadeneira, a responsibility she maintained until she finally separated in 1948. To understand the position of the Aprista party at this stage with respect to women, it would be necessary to distinguish between what was the interest of the militants and the objectives of the male leaders. This explains why they retract the proposals approved in their First National Congress of 1931 in which they advocate equal political rights, the female vote from 18 years of age and their right to hold public office based on their calculations political and party interests.
His proposal of the universal feminine was replaced by that of the qualified vote, understanding that women who carried out manual or intellectual work were suitable for it, disqualifying "parasitic" women (read housewives) of the upper classes from exercising this right. and stockings to which a conservative political apposition was attributed.
The economic support on which the APRA position was based was so convincing that the same members of the women's section justified this position, this being precisely the breaking point of the feminists with the Apristas.
The socialists and communists
The women who participated in the founding of the Socialist Party (1928) later turned into the Communist Party (1930) were artists and intellectuals who since 1926 had congregated around the magazine "Amauta".
The ideological breadth of this group was manifested among other aspects in the reception that women had to display their literary skills and express their feminist, political or simply modern ideas about the female condition. Opinions expressed fundamentally in relation to the impact of capitalism on the lives of women, such as their incorporation into productive work or “outside the home”, its effects on motherhood and child rearing, the relationship between the sexes in the new spaces of the public activity in which they ventured: work, politics, sports, etc.
The openness of the nucleus of "Amauta" was maintained even after the Socialist party was founded, but it was completely narrowed when it was modified into Communist because once it joined the Third International, it closed doctrinally to the official position.
The category of "class" as the axis of analysis and of political praxis became hegemonic, the problem of women was understood under this categorization, they were then assumed exclusively as workers and, although the communists included women in the Work seemed disastrous to them in its consequences for the family, they considered that, at least as proletarians 8, they would organize to fight against capitalism.
In this way, the entire space of the private sphere was excluded and even the role of women as mother - educator was ignored; The woman did not exist as a gender but in her capacity as a worker, even so, the attention given to her as such was minimal.
On the other hand, on the political plane, any struggle and movement that did not start from the principle of the class struggle and that did not have the socialist revolution as its goal was discarded. In this way, the feminist movement that was born from gender demands and advocated for female suffrage was related as a bourgeois expression within the proletariat and as such disqualified.
Consequently, the women who joined the communist project had to silence their concerns in order to remain in the party. Even so, the journalist Angela Ramos, known for her defense of human rights, and Adela Montesinos, an Arequipa poet, who supported her feminist position in solidarity, should be remembered.
3.2.2 Feminist Approach
Framed by the unusual appearance of women in various social spheres - education, professionalization, work, etc., and by the multiplicity of female initiatives in the artistic field - cultural, professional, welfare and political - the feminist movement of this time had two important moments in its development.
A. First Modern Feminism
On October 28, 1911, María Jesús Alvarado Rivera read her conference entitled "Feminism", with which she gave birth to the first modern and political expression of the "Feminist Movement in Peru."
The character of her proposal, eminently political, related her to the liberal approach to the social emancipation of women of the last century and to the suffrage movements that were developing at the same time in Europe and the United States.
Without disdaining the baggage accumulated by Peruvian intellectuals in their struggle for female education, she incorporated this demand into an ideology that differentiated her from her predecessors and from mutualist and anarchist ideological currents.
Based on the fundamental principle of the "equality of mental potentiality and the ability to work for men and women", it stated that the so-called "female inferiority" was due to historical causes, therefore these external conditions should be changed to nature. To do this, he proposed to provide work to achieve economic independence and education to achieve autonomy of conscience. Under this new situation, women became an active subject of progress and national integration.
As a result of these conditions, it also demanded equal civil and political rights, hence one of its central demands was the right to vote for women and to hold public office.
In his approach, the State appeared as the organizer of social relations, therefore it also supported the bases that maintained discrimination against women, hence his speech appealed to the State and formal power. The vindictive nature of her proposal led her to consider the need for concerted action by women to obtain these demands. Thus arose the idea of the organization and "Feminine Evolution" was born in 1914 becoming the first feminist organization in Peru.
A.1 Female Evolution
Women's organization that carried out extensive work in favor of women, particularly those belonging to the urban - popular sectors, although its radius of action also reached the population of indigenous communities.
Among the set of activities that expressed the feminist political character of this institution, it is worth highlighting the creation of the Moral and Work Workshop School and the campaign to obtain public positions in the Public Charitable Societies.
Evolución Femenina from her feminist position adopted a diametrically opposite attitude, saw the causes of prostitution in the economic - social conditions that placed poor young women without education and without work in the "clutches" of prostitution in order to survive, to which they added the relations of domination that men exercised over women and the situation of abandonment in which many single mothers found themselves.
From this perspective, he began a campaign of denunciation, entering into controversy with conservative positions and promoting female education for work as an alternative in order to give women the opportunity to obtain resources without threatening their dignity.
To round off their campaign, they proposed themselves to open a school for this purpose specifically aimed at "those who had fallen from grace." For this, Evolución Femenina, headed by María Alvarado, got the participation of some political sectors, especially the liberal ones, the information media such as “El Comercio”, the anarchist intellectuals and politicians and the “ladies of high society”.
A.2 Peruvian feminism
It was the second feminist organization created in 1924 at the initiative of Zoila Aurora Cáceres. It was up to this movement to activate at the most difficult moment for autonomous feminist and feminist initiatives. By this date the democratic media were rapidly reducing, all opposition to the regime of President Augusto B. Leguía was responded to with repression, especially those that proceeded or identified with popular demands.
It was for this reason that the regime argued to imprison and then deport María J. Alvarado, which was a serious blow to the feminist movement of the time. It was thus that Peruvian feminism turned out to be a lonely voice in highly adverse conditions.
This disagreement was clearly evidenced around 1930 when Zoila Aurora Cáceres returned to Peru and reactivated Peruvian Feminism under its original postulates at a juncture in which social polarization was reflected in opposing political - partisan forces between the oligarchic landowner camp and the union labor camp.
In this context, the confrontation of these forces momentarily moved to the Constituent Assembly (1932), one of the issues under debate was precisely women's suffrage.
Zoila Aurora Cáceres, who since 1924 advocated on their behalf through newspaper articles and conferences addressed to various social sectors of women, in this period directed her efforts to win the will of the different parties.
3.2.3 Popular Urban Approach
Its constitution and development was directly linked to the transformation of the economic process, mainly industrial growth, diversifying the trades of the female labor force.
Changes in the material conditions of existence of a large sector of the population residing in the city, promoted the growing incorporation of women into the labor market as well as the extension and creation of certain trades that generated income and means for subsistence..
If we take into consideration that women of popular origin have always worked: indigenous serfdom, black slavery, minor trades, etc., the process that occurred in the first three decades of this century brought about some fundamental changes that spread the seeds for the modification of their social and political status.
One of these changes was the appearance of the female worker whose social and ideological repercussion was not due so much to the novelty of observing women doing direct productive work but rather to the fact that they did it in the factory for 8 to 12 hours a day that They took away his presence at home and in family life.
On the other hand, although the female salary was internal to the male one, her status as a salaried worker showed an economic income without mediation.
Both consequences were a threat to the patriarchal system of the time and to the authority exercised by the head of the family.
Added to the questioning of patriarchal hierarchies was the fact that for the first time women, as workers, lived and shared the process of organizing the labor union movement.
Although it is true that, due to their objective situation, the workers could be the progressive tip of the popular women's bloc, the reality was that the protagonists of the women's movement associated with the historic days of struggle of Peruvian trade unionism were the wives, daughters, relatives and relatives of the workers.
Indeed, in the period of its gestation, the popular women's movement was closely linked to the first union strikes, indeed, it could be said that it depended on them throughout the six years that this period lasted.
Originally, the role of female participation in union strikes was to provide the infrastructure to sustain the strike, however, the prolonged nature and radicalization of the force measures provoked an unusual solidarity reaction.
But it was in the second period (1918-1919) that the popular women's movement evolved towards its own profile and was endowed with specific organized forms. This period began with the struggle for the 8-hour day and ended with a general strike against the rise in the cost of living in May 1919.
In January 1919, a general strike was carried out, as a result of the concerted action of various worker sectors in Lima and its surroundings, which had as its central point the 8 o'clock shift, a claim that had already been won for women and children in 1918.
When the 8-hour shift was extended for men, the workers' leadership decided to suspend the strike, but it did not benefit directly from the decree in question and was strongly affected by the shortage of basic necessities that had raised the cost considerably. of life.
Within this sector was the female contingent, which in relation to previous mobilizations, had diversified its social composition; It was no longer just about the workers' families, but it had extended to a wide range of women with diverse occupations, who felt, however, more affected by their status as housewives. It was precisely this condition that gave unity to their interests.
When the Pro - subsistence reduction committee was formed in April 1919, almost immediately its Women's Committee was formed, which had as its prelude the first assembly of women in Peruvian social history and organized the first women's rally on May 25 of the same year.. A few days later there was a general strike demanding that subsistence be cheaper; popular protest was extremely radical and violent.
The combative level of women was widely highlighted by the press. After a few days, the strike weakened without the Pro-cheapening Committee obtaining any claim.
The third period of this movement was represented by the popular trade union movement and by middle-class intellectuals.
This was basically an ideological moment in which the student movement took the post of social leadership, leading the popular layers. This change in ideological and political hegemony had profound consequences in the popular female field.
Thus, at the end of the 20s, the popular women's movement that in the previous period had managed to articulate its interests and its unity in this period, was divided between two political leaderships from the middle layers: the Revolutionary Union and the APRA.
IV. Conclusions
1. Feminism is a set of practical social and political theories in open criticism of past and present social relations, motivated mainly by the female experience. In general, feminism invokes a critique of inequality between women and men, and proclaims the promotion of the rights and interests of women. Feminist theories question the relationship between sex, sexuality, and social, political, and economic power.
Although many feminist leaders have been women, not all women are feminists and not all feminists are women. Some feminists believe that men should not take leadership positions within the movement, but most accept or seek the support of men.
Feminism has been primarily a movement of Western societies in the 20th century. Feminists hope their movement will have the same impact on the rest of the world in the 21st century.
2. The Feminist Movement is one of the most significant historical manifestations of the struggle undertaken by women to achieve their rights. Although the mobilization in favor of the vote, that is, suffragism, has been one of its most important axes, suffragism and feminism cannot be equated.
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1. Among the workers' societies that promoted the schools were the “Feminist Progress Society”, created in 1916; the Feminist Labor Society ”in 1917; the Society of Household Trade Employees, 1917; the Women's Section of the Lima Workers' Committee; and the Women's Section of the Center for Confraternity and Workers' Defense; almost all of mutualistic orientation.
2. We refer to the strikes of the Vitarte textile unions (1914-1915) and to the Huacho day laborers' strike (1915-1917).
3. The wives and relatives of the striking workers sought out the bosses' wives, establishing an inter-class network among women.
4. This name used to be and still is called to the collective preparation of food from which all striking workers with their families benefited.
5. The first martyrs of the labor union movement were the wives and relatives of the Huacho workers.
6. Dora Mayer de Zulen (1868-1959), inaugurated the indigenous movement to demand the indigenous peasant population. Alongside Pedro Zulen, they founded the Pro Indigenous Association whose work was to promote the legal defense of indigenous communities and spread a thought in favor of their social claim.
7. The political party is an organized group of citizens constituted to defend and win their opinions and interests and to obtain the realization of a reform program.
8. Marxist term that refers to a modern type of lower class, made up of wage earners who do not own the means of production, but who sell their work or labor power. The term is not widely used in general sociology, because it has a restricted meaning.
