He realizes that the government-union relationship is a bad mix for unionism, not only here in Mexico but in all parts of the world. Always taking nationalist flags is how the action of the Mexican unions has been justified, the bad thing is that the people believe it.
introduction
This essay shows how the educational model in Mexico reinvents itself day by day, governor after governor, six-year term after six-year term, being the most affected; the least privileged by the system, where the original problem is undoubtedly corruption as a way of life, a style that we often use knowingly, which sooner or later catches up with us. We start with the background on labor organizations and the involvement of the state in them, as a second reference we talk about some data from the OECD regarding the salaries of teachers and teachers union secretaries and their relationship with the government and how Conclusion offers an opinion of the origin of this problem.
II. Background
As a first antecedent of the labor organizations in Mexico, the house of the world worker, was founded under anarchic union ideals of political abstentionism after the triumph of the revolution, this group had the characteristic of being a cultural organ concerned with raising the educational level of workers through rationalist schools, "the house of the world worker was founded on July 15, 1912, and it was an attempt to unify workers, developing within it the ideological roots of the trade union movement in Mexico" (Reyna, 1976). This organization represented a threat to the very weak political stability of the new Madero government, since its members considered that the country needed economic and social changes,In addition to emphasizing the strike and sabotage, something very dangerous for the Maderista government, some foreigners who were in their ranks such as Francisco Moncaleano were expelled from the country, and the nationals were imprisoned, during the Huerta dictatorship this organization was closed on May 27, 1914.
At the end of 1914 with the triumph of the constitutionalists and favored by Álvaro Obregón it reopened its doors, however one of the points of the breakdown of this group occurred within it, of those who were in favor of greater political participation and of the that they wanted autonomy from the state, in this context for Carranza political autonomy for a reeling state was intolerable, for which the strikes were repressed by the army and its leaders imprisoned or shot, it is during this period that it is felt as a principle, "The exclusion from the confederation of any member who accepts a public or administrative position in order to guarantee the independence of the confederation."
Rescuing a Juarez law of 1862, Carranza repressed the strikers accusing them of disrupting public order, weakening the union movement by confronting it, with the alternative of seeking some alliance with the state to guarantee the rights of workers or running the risk of being repressed, this is how the participation of workers or rather their leaders in politics begins, this is a dilemma that until now has not yet been resolved, "the strong union subjection to the state and its relative autonomy"
The history of our country has been a path plagued with inconsistencies, between the discourse and the facts of those in charge of directing the educational destiny of Mexico, despite the fact that the bases of Mexican unionism were autonomy, this never materialized, which has brought negative consequences for the economic and social life of Mexico.
III. Development
In our country, education has become a weak point of the State, generating great dissatisfactions, as an article points out, “Mexico allocates 83.1% of its budget for education to teachers' salaries and 93.3% to the remuneration of teachers. staff as a whole; these are the highest percentages among OECD countries (OECD averages are 62% and 78.2% respectively) ”(OECD, 2013), given that getting a job in Mexico is difficult, teacher salaries and more even the benefits and benefits (the so-called labor conquests) arise as the possibility of having economic-labor security, leaving aside the vocation. It is known that nowadays the old practices have not been eradicated to obtain a concession, place, base, within the "system"
Is Mexico a country with objectives? The objectives mark the route to be followed within any organization, and the objectives in Mexico in educational matters are erratic, one of the great problems has been the teachers' union that has delayed education in Mexico, privileging personal group interests.
There is practically no journalistic note, studies, or essays that do not emphasize this situation that has led the country to a crisis, which by the way implies the backwardness in practically all sectors of the country, since education as an engine of development has been mutiny of a few.
They insist on inventing the perfect Mexican educational model and the processes proven worldwide when they are tried to implement are often discarded because they go against entrenched interests.
The leadership from its foundation had traits of corruption that were to be the constant in the life of the teachers' union, phrases and words have been coined to define these practices, such as charrismo, chiefdom, etc.
In the 1930s the teachers organized. Lázaro Cárdenas as President of Mexico encourages Narciso Bassols to create the National Union of Education Workers (SNTE). (Union of teachers at the service of the state of Mexico, 2013). In 1943 the SNTE was founded and its first secretary was Luis Chávez Orozco, with whom a certain level of internal democracy was maintained between 1943 and 1949 “This last year Jesús Robles Martínez arrived at the General Secretariat, who became the first chief in the history of the union. " (Badillo, 2013), it is said that at the end of his period in 1952 he continued to control his successors until 1972 and was characterized by repressing attempts at dissent, in the case of the revolutionary movement of teachers led by Othón Salazar, between 1949 and 1960.
In 1972 President Echeverría imposes Carlos Jonguitud Barrios, classified as a cacique who is credited with having ordered the killing of his political enemies. In 1988, the secretary Elba Esther Gordillo assumed, under the auspices of Carlos Salinas de Gortari, in 2013 she was arrested for alleged deviations from union dues, among others.
IV. Conclusions
Another union organization affected by corruption, another collateral effect of the null accountability for treating unions as divine and untouchable entities. The blessed autonomy has served to loot the true workers, the taxpayers and give impunity to the leaders of these groups who serve themselves with the big spoon. The reforms remain stagnant, supposedly so as not to affect the "working class, sovereignty, national identity" and other empty verbiage that satisfies the ears of the masses.
A comprehensive reform of the penal system, which does not admit favoritism, bank-union secrets, will enforce the much vaunted phrase "no one above the law."
V. References
- Badillo, D. (Wednesday, November 2013).. Retrieved on Wednesday, November 2013, from http://eleconomista.com.mx/versiones/2013/04/16/historia-snte-primera-tres-partesOCDE. (12… November 2013). OECD Better polices for better lifes. Retrieved on November 12, 2013, from http://www.oecd.org/Reyna, j. Z. (1976). Three studies on the labor movement in Mexico. DF: The College of Mexico. Teachers' union at the service of the State of Mexico. (Monday, November 2013). http://smsem.org.mx/. Retrieved on Monday, November 2013, from
