The disorderly order is the key to the power of the political bureaucracy to impose, from the disorder, its model of order. This means that, creating the appearance of freedom and rights on paper -disordered order-, the masses surrender to their determinations, understanding it as the guarantor of the plural exercise of individuality under the protection of the group -disorder-, but the objective is not another than by way of seduction to get rid of the tutelage exercised by capitalism and to function, not only with autonomy, but also imposing itself on capitalism to define itself as an alternative of power - its model of order. That said, there are some points that should be clarified beforehand.
All political activity aims to develop a model of government directed by a minority to exercise its dominance over the majority, responding to the inescapable need to establish order as an inescapable requirement for the functioning of any society. This model moves in modern times taking the nation-state as a reference, with forms ranging from Hobessian absolutism to bourgeois liberalism, passing from personalist authority to institutional authority. Nowadays, it has taken a further step, and the international authority is situated above national institutions.
Secularly, physical force has been the determining pillar of governance, until capitalism replaces it with economic force after the triumph of the bourgeois revolution. The consequence in the panorama of political power is the creation of the state model subject to the legal system, which allows to redefine power in official terms -from the bureaucracy- and de facto -from capitalism-. As the dominant force, capitalism constructs political reality according to an ideology whose objective is the security of capitalist business. To this end, he ordered the construction of a new model of social order, subjecting everyone -elites and masses- to positive law, designed in the form of a Kelsenian pyramid.Remaining the conception of the superior norm to the designs of a fictitious constituent power that is said to represent the people -and not the masses-, but built according to the interests of the new national political bureaucracy responding to the mandate of capitalism.
Once force is formalized, power is the axis around which political activity revolves, aimed at exercising it and maintaining it by a minority. The former is understood as an entity perceived by the collective mentality as a representation of the dominant force, against which submission is required. Although the only real force is that of the masses, they lack formal power. The need for a direction is the key to understanding it, given the dispersion of elemental forces that tend to neutralize themselves. From this it follows that a minority often arises that has the ability to gather the majority in its environment, so that its conditions are respected by the whole of society in order to build order.
Political institutions are an intellectual creation to deposit in entities the power governed by the legal norm and make it operational through the ownership attributed to people, in turn representing groups that agglutinate trends that circulate in the political sphere. The precinct of such institutions is the nation-state, designed by bourgeois capitalism.
Under the protection of the institutional, this force will eventually consolidate as a power that exclusively assumes the development of the political and whose activity is defined as politics. Currently framed in the rule of law, the political function belongs exclusively to the bureaucracy. Developed in terms of party, it becomes operational regulated by rules of law, following the rules set by the operation of the State and with an eye on the democratic model. What is completed with the professionalism imposed by the matter and its corresponding remuneration. Hence, political activity in the dominant power system, always under the watchful eye of the norm, which leaves no room for creativity outside of it, is understood as a formalized activity aimed at compliance with the law.Thus, the exercise of power cannot go beyond the limits set by the legal system, as a method to make it predictable, responding to the principle of security.
There are two basic structures in political praxis: the class and the party. The first is defined as a social group of individuals who make politics their professional activity. This consists of the permanent struggle to get to exercise and stay in power. What gives the key to the social distinction from professionalism, in which both the economic component and the ability to influence collective determinations are implicit. In the race towards the exercise of power, it is necessary to distinguish those who are in a situation of expectation of power from those who exercise it, which allows establishing different scales in the political class, whose peak is held by the Pareto elite. The second is a specific professional grouping around an ideology to practice political practice,generally on the Duvergerian dualist principle, with the aim of coming to exercise power.
From such approaches, it can be said that the political bureaucracy is the one that exercises state power according to legal norms. It is a political body of State employees, elected in an election process, in some way directed by what turns out to be the dominant force, placed at the head of the institutions and in charge of the practical order in the space assigned to it.. Their function is primarily that of the police, in charge of maintaining the strict order of the masses, issuing norms as a coercive instrument, with the aim of submitting them to power, making their version of legal security dominate the social panorama. As a secondary function, it is about setting rules for collection and distribution, building the legend of justice as fairness. As for the other functions,They consist of creating and spreading propaganda nationally and internationally.
Such activities are carried out in terms of regulatory monopoly and exclusivity in their practical development. In order to carry out such functions, it must be assisted by the technical bureaucracy, specialized in the various state activities, for which specific knowledge and skills are required that the political bureaucracy does not require. If the first exercises the power to direct the functioning of the different organs of the State, designed as artificial counterweights in order to reach the theoretical balance of the government function -according to the theory of the division of powers-, the second leads it to the practice connecting it with reality, from which it follows that it exercises the residual aspects of power.
Now, it could be said that the political order revolves around the regulation of the activity of the masses that populate the state territory according to the official dogma spread by propaganda. From this screen, they are still imposed by the belief of the need to be governed by the dominant minority from the legal point of view to avoid the risk of social disintegration. With the intention of involving them politically, a good part of the inhabitants are defined in terms of citizens or nationals, under the protection of political fictions as a people or nation, designed to channel the feeling of politics. Taking advantage of such beliefs, in the face of the always latent oclocracy, the government of the elite is proposed due to its quality of selectivity, capable of supplying that secular inability of the masses to build their own existence.
Confirming the myth, the dominant economic elite provides the basis for an inalienable collective well-being, continuously supplying objects of consumer seduction to entertain the masses. The political elite focuses on the star activity trying to maintain the balance between the governed by exercising justice, which refers to the realization of the principle of equality as a decisive instrument in the ordering process, however, it reserves privileges for it. From the two axes of power, the masses are the favorite object of the economic and political market. In both cases they are placed as apparent protagonists of the scene, but the benefits are obtained by both capitalism, which is permanently renewed as the dominant force, and the political bureaucracy, which imposes its will by exercising power.
Inevitably the masses are seen by capitalism in terms of the market and their individuals are made dependent by the effluvium of well-being, without the possibility of leaving the system. From the other front, the bureaucracy attracts the individual to its cause, always thinking of the mass that adds votes, to whom it sells rights and freedoms in the form of smoke and fireworks.
That said, disorder is the theoretical field through which the anarchy of the masses is allowed to circulate. Those who, attracted by the smoke and noise of the propaganda of the political bureaucracy, believe that everything is the product of a real storm, when it turns out to be fiction, because power is controlled. It is a tramoya to produce small clouds and occasional lightning in order to make the show more colorful. The controlled disorder remains on the stage, led by the elites who struggle to exercise power, the masses do not participate. In their role as spectators, they feel immersed in the fable staged, in which for a moment they imagine being the protagonists, but, the performance ends, everything returns to normal. That theater disorder,when it ends it turns out to be the product of each one's imagination driven by waves that stir in a glass of water. On the other hand, as a solid base resting on reality, well-being provides the stability to carry out experiments, in order to alleviate leisure in a panorama of security that affects the favored who nest only in advanced societies.
A disorderly order is that order calculated by the political bureaucracy to win the will of the masses by making them believe that they have placed themselves at its service, inverting the reality of the exercise of power. To understand it, it comes to be one who goes beyond the limits set by the order established by capitalism, for whom the masses are exploited labor and the simple sum of consumerist individuals willing to generate profits for their companies, saying that they are carriers of rights and freedoms, with some specific examples to give credibility to the show. However, it does not overcome complicity insofar as it contributes, on the one hand, to giving them market prominence, while on the other, it keeps them tied to the canons imposed by the fashions of the moment.Ultimately, the bureaucracy creates expectations while leaving the underlying proposals intact. Under the protection of the rights and freedoms that it monopolizes, it overflows the particularities, so that individualities feel protected by political power in that which breaks with normality -but that grants electoral dividends-, no longer as the primacy of the select, but as the degeneration of the common. What is presented as freedom and group rights, aimed at attacking the sense of generality.What is presented as freedom and group rights, aimed at attacking the sense of generality.What is presented as freedom and group rights, aimed at attacking the sense of generality.
As a restraint, a call is made to order, in terms of exclusion of violence. That order becomes subjection to the law. Simple antinomy, because it continues to be supported by softened violence, in which the psychological aspect plays a determining role over the physical. Often bureaucratic legality is a product of removing and tailoring the dominant interests at each moment and, in any case, a result of representative democracy - the great pantomime of political bureaucracy. It turns out that the current order of the political bureaucracy has surpassed the traditional frameworks imposed by the capitalist system since bourgeois times. With this it tries to acquire autonomous power, without prejudice to its commercial relations with capitalism. Faced with the nation-state model, taking advantage of the development of the hegemonic state,it imposes a system of international order, using the real force of capitalism, supported by the economic reality provided by the activity of its companies, ready to improve the general feeling of well-being. If the source of capitalist business resides in the operation of companies as an instrument of attraction for the masses, that of the political bureaucracy consists in selling the spell of rights and freedoms. Tied by the formalism of its own laws, the bureaucracy can only influence from propaganda, which is sometimes short-sighted, hence the convenience of pressing media closer to the masses. These are the groups dedicated to nuisance. Protected by the political bureaucracy, they take care of stoking the instincts of freedom of the masses to maintain the business from which the groups live.Until now, it has been trying to reconcile both businesses, the capitalist and the political in their different versions, to keep the masses distracted and that the respective businesses continue to prosper. But as time goes by, resentments arise.
From the above it follows that the bureaucratic order is an attempt to try to impose the interests of the bureaucracy on the economic order of capitalism. In principle it does not seem viable, because although the first is an artificial order, dependent on a legislation of circumstances, the second is real, supported in the economy. Despite its unfeasibility of principle, capitalism must consider that the bases for the preservation of the bureaucratic order model are broad and effective. Some obvious and others overlapping.
It would be enough to mention some of the first ones to assume the strength of the system of order protected by the shadow or the redoubt of the State building. The monopoly of the law and its application, although at times it is tortuous to the eye, is an incontestable argument of power, against which little can be done by the one who until now has been a traveling companion. The executive action, protected by the legality drawn up by the executor, leaves few loopholes, which are left to the determination of its direct collaborator -the technical bureaucracy-. At the bottom is the legitimacy granted by representative democracy as an argument of incontestable solidity.
Among the latter, propaganda holds the monopoly of official truth, with which the other options are banished by the media that dominate the scene exclusively. The sponsorship of avant-garde actions, through the groups of professionals who live off the business of the rights and freedoms of the masses -as well as the bureaucracy and the fabric of their environment-, are punctually effective, because they allow manipulation according to their interests the will of the majority. Nor should we overlook the support of the international political bureaucracy, which claims to be legitimized by the will of the rulers, effective insofar as it is in a position to control capitalism with economic instruments that can limit the activity of their companies and condition the market march.
March 2017.
Author: Antonio Lorca Siero.
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