The Europe of the first decade of this 21st century is prey to a constitutional fever that somewhat recalls the liberal attacks that it sustained in the 19th century. In Latin America, the changes occurred differently.
After concluding the militaristic mandates designed at the School of the Americas - based in Panama from 1946 to 1984, then transferred to Fort Benning in the United States - the 21st century presents us with an Ibero-America led by democratic regimes, although certain movements are distinguished " of an imperial nature in the region ”, under the inspiration of President Chavez, whose objective is to confront the classic and secular political-economic imperialism of the United States, today in a degree of decline. (CHRONICLES, 07/03/09). Central America and the Caribbean - closely related, are permanent theaters of these geopolitical confrontations.
In his book "The Return of History", the prominent German politician Joscka Fischer, analyzes the situation after the attack on the Twin Towers in New York, trying to find alternatives, although he acknowledges that the much-touted New World Order depends on the Western countries and, fundamentally, of the reactions they may assume to new circumstances, given that after September 11, the international system works in global disintegration.
What are the fracture lines of this process? Fischer highlights religious fanaticism, terrorism, inequalities between rich and poor, ideological emptiness, excessive ambition together with the egoism of power. These factors not only affect the various actors in international politics, as has been verified in the recent Summit of the 8 (Italy, 09), which in the opinion of the President of Brazil "has no more reason to exist in economic matters" and that it has lost its importance "with respect to a G20 closer to the realities of the social crisis."
Towards a “political sphere” organized in networks?
Both in Europe and Latin America -particularly in South America- transnational constitutionalism was inscribed in the liberal scheme that inspired the development of constitutional guarantees on a national scale, in the 19th century. By crediting the idea of limiting state sovereignty and exercising jurisdictional control over the acts of governments, he laid the foundations for a new society, in which what happens within national borders no longer concerns only the State and in which Judicial remedies are envisaged so that the individual can protect himself from the arbitrary power of the authorities. (R. Dehausse.) The negative part of globalization has given extensive powers to powerful economic groups that dominate weak or corrupt governments.
The benefit that progressive and beneficial changes achieved by Europe cannot be understood by Ibero-America: overcoming the primitive state in which relations between states were primarily power relations and thus being able to enter a world of rules. This long change that in Europe was born by the treaties of Rome of 25 / May / 1957 - allowed the birth of a new and unique form of government: the "NETWORK CONCEPT", which as it gained prominence distinguished two approaches that have served it to the European area to overcome political, economic and security matters, after the two great world wars. (52 years):
1) Political Dimension (full integration to design supranational policies).
2) Social Dimension (which in addition to political actors includes the private sectors).
On the contrary, in Ibero-America, since the first Regional Integration Treaty (SICA) (Central American Common Market) of December 13, 1991, which was followed by a long series of multi and bilateral agreements, it has not been possible - in 18 years - to efficient result, because contrary to what happened in the European area, throughout the Ibero-American continent and the Caribbean, the political factor prevailed and continues to prevail, based on petty and ambitious conceptions, some of which have been inherited from the colonial era. Central America and the Caribbean are clear scenarios.
Throughout the Ibero-American continent, the "network of networks" does not enjoy the projection required by the changes that occur in the current world system; that in one way or another are indicating -with no return character- that the various societies must review concepts about the State and the administration, about the market and about the nature of the people and, fundamentally, recover the role of high politics as vehicle through which human beings can organize their present, preparing their future.
Brazil and the 25 countries of the Caribbean basin
Brazilian Professor Carlos F. Domínguez Ávilda comments that, “over many years Brazil and the 25 countries of the Caribbean basin managed to build correct cooperative and peaceful relationships, but also low intensity, modest and in certain irrelevant aspects”.
In the Central American Common Market, Brazil together with Mexico and Chile intervene as "observers". Taking into account the geopolitical and international security foundations, which have been going on for decades, Itamaraty began to actively participate in the great stages of world politics with respected intelligence.
Given the events that are taking place in Honduras and also outlining in other Central American and Caribbean countries, what are the main characteristics and implications of Brazil's performance as a power-emerging country? President Lula da Silva, from a discreet position, indicated that Brazil would not participate as a mediator in the conflict. considering that the Organization of American States was the one who should define the controversy. Mexico opted for a similar position, completely ignoring the Honduran crisis.
Brazil and the countries of the Greater Caribbean are subject to endogenous and exogenous pressures that have a direct - and indirect - impact on their respective international security insertions. For the northern country, for security reasons with its South American northern neighbors, there are two spaces, geopolitically well defined: the Near Caribbean and the distant Caribbean. The first includes: Colombia, Guyana, Suriname and Venezuela in addition to the French colony of Guayana. and primarily the Amazon Question.. The other Caribbean, -the distant one- includes colonial countries and territories that are a direct part of the Caribbean Basin: Mexico, the Antilles and all of Central America.
When citing the Brazilian Amazon area, the security issue is related to the relations it maintains with the direct neighbors of said area: Guyana, Suriname, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador (although it does not have border contact), Peru, and Bolivia, with whom They have created the Amazon Cooperation Treaty (ACTO), in addition to establishing the SIPAM system (selected troops, helicopters, radars) and the SIVAM system (pan-Amazon space surveillance system).
Lula's axis against Chávez's axis
While President Chávez spends his time and oil revenues seeking to influence countries like Bolivia, Nicaragua, Paraguay and now Honduras, the President of Brazil brushes up against the leaders of India, South Africa and Europe. It is worth clarifying that Itamaraty does not develop this geopolitical strategy in direct competition with Chávez's antagonistic diplomatic movements that focus on military and energy aspects with Iran and Russia. With diplomatic skill Lula is concerned with praising the "Bolivarian" as an effective means of containing him in his most extreme adventures. This is demonstrated with the enthusiastic support for Chavez's pharaonic plans such as the continental gas pipeline, the Banco del Sur, while he continues to subtly sabotage them, ensuring that none of the projects materialize.
Towards a new Ibero-American profile
In the midst of the international economic and financial crisis, the Latin American countries face a new reality. The world is no longer unipolar. Ibero-America has begun to stop being part of a new alignment of the United States, which means that the region will be under strong pressure as the new centers of world power are defined. Brazil and Venezuela are very clear about this perspective and try to find solutions, although through different strategies. And so we have the Venezuelan project ALBA and UNASUR that will promote Brazil.
The Honduran conflict is part of the secular Central American geopolitical process that, after the failure of the presidential meetings in Managua (03/25/09) and that of San José (03/30/09), indicates a historical fact that allows action freely to the forces that are involved in the search for post-neoliberal models.
It is evident that the peoples of Central America are facing a recomposition of forces, where - apparently - Costa Rica tries to transform itself into an intermediate political actor between the constitutional president Manuel Zelaya and the provisional president Roberto Micheletti.
What does Barack Obama say?
Faced with this Honduran constitutional conflict, it is worth analyzing what the role of the United States is, or specifically the attitude of President Barack Obama. It is not new that since the 19th century, the entire Central American region - more specifically the one that extends from Puebla in Mexico to the ends of the Ecuadorian and Colombian jungles-, it has a strategic priority for the various US governments, from its defense, economic and investment aspects, relevance that from Theodore Rooselvet's “club policy” made various interventions, with unflinching pretexts that sustained and sustain various motives; vast space known as "the backyard" for the Washington establishment.
Such a complex and contradictory situation does not allow us to have clarity -in general terms- what role the United States, the ALBA system plays with Venezuela and its allies, (Argentina, Cuba, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Paraguay); why Mexico remained silent; Meanwhile, Lula - discreetly - preferred to entrust the intervention of the OAS distancing herself from the conflict. In turn, Uruguay, Chile and Peru have only expressed themselves in a formal diplomatic attitude.
For more UNASUR, MERCOSUR, ALBA, and so many other regional organizations, South America continues to grow in the "far west".
