To avoid bankruptcy or default, the socialist government preferred to pay interest and capital to creditors and leave the population without bread or medicine. Not even the worst IMF restructuring has left a country without wheat flour or drugs, or as mortgaged as Venezuela. However, the IMF is much more criticized than these types of government like the one we have. It seems enough to say that it is governed for the people to be respected and supported by more than half the world.
As a consequence of the government's economic mismanagement, social bankruptcy occurred, which in colloquial terms means that the people were the ones who paid for the broken dishes. In other words, it is the bankruptcy of the citizen, the brutal loss of his purchasing power, which no longer allows him the minimum, such as having a coffee and a pie or a croissant for breakfast, standing at the counter of a bakery, something that was normal all life, until three years ago.
But it is families with fixed expenses that have borne the brunt of the social default and have seen how the inflationary and devaluationist cyclone wiped out their savings and well-being. It is a terrible situation, difficult to imagine, as difficult as controlling the anguish and panic attacks, exacerbated by the shortage of psychotropics and the fear of the growing insecurity and impunity that reigns in the country.
The twin sister of social bankruptcy is political bankruptcy that is characterized precisely by the loss of the government's political capital, as seen with pristine clarity in the last elections, in which the regime saw its bench reduced to just a third in the National Assembly, while the opposition obtained a qualified majority.
The stubbornness of those who hold the power to cling to it, manifested by their refusal to allow the referendum and hold the elections of governors and mayors, as established by the Constitution, which, added to the social bankruptcy, is what has us brought to the present crisis of protests in the streets of the entire country and the brutal repression as the only response of the regime to the seriousness of our sufferings and claims.
What to do in the face of this bleak, complicated picture of which we do not know all its parts, ramifications and international alliances?
We must do everything possible, within democratic channels, and force the government to step aside and allow another team to come that does have the knowledge to begin to emerge from the crisis. Do not think that the regime is as solid as it wants to appear. The reality is quite the opposite. Never has the regime been so weak as now, with 80% of the country against it, growing discontent, disproportionate repression and the mourning of many families. In addition, to this gigantic crisis will be added new debt maturities, more inflation, shortages, protests and corruption that is completely out of control. You have to keep up the pressure in the streets, universities and elsewhere. You have to keep pushing until you get a general election and win it by beating.
Finally, there is something else and it is moral bankruptcy, a seven-headed animal, both a cause and a consequence of the other two bankruptcies. It is the very epicenter and fundamental origin of the crisis that we are suffering, and therefore a whole topic that deserves a separate chapter.
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