Summary
In this text on conflict and post-conflict in Colombia, a brief account is made of the different periods of the armed conflict that has occurred throughout history in Colombia and its main actors, as well as a reflection on the different negotiations and processes of peace that have developed and the impact of the post-conflict on society after the government of Álvaro Uribe, achieved the demobilization of the paramilitary groups, concluding with some reflections on how the government and the community in general should act towards the victims and victimizers of this conflict.
Abstract: on conflict and post-conflict in Colombia is a brief account of the different periods of armed conflict has been performing throughout history in Colombia and its main actors can do, as we reflect on the various negotiations and processes peace that have been developed and the impact of post-conflict society after the government of Alvaro Uribe, reached the demobilization of paramilitary groups, concluding with some reflections on how the government should act and the community in general against the victims and perpetrators of this conflict.
Colombia has suffered throughout its history a bloody war that has its origins from the same time we became independent from Spain, because that spirit of independence went further, and not content only with this, we also became independent from ourselves, dividing into parts a single brother nation, thus truncating Bolívar's dream of seeing a single nation united, great, powerful and above all free. We can address the genesis of the conflict, starting from the period called "violence" (1946 - 1958), a stage that triggered the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, presidential candidate of the Liberals, on April 9, 1948, a fact that triggered the Bogotazo, a series of protests and violent acts in the capital of the country; It is also the time of the confrontation between liberals and conservatives,characterized by being extremely violent, and where there were disputes and persecutions for the control of public positions, ideology, religion, power, land tenure, in addition to murders, aggressions, persecutions, destruction of private property and terrorism by the political alignment, Salamanca, Manuel Ernesto (2007), with a figure of 200,000 to 300,000 deaths and the forced migration of more than two million people, equivalent to almost a fifth of the total population of Colombia, which by then reached the 11 million inhabitants, in reality it was a barbaric war with flocks and flocks of the dead that were carried away by the river, this river that is Colombia, our country, which suffers today as it has always suffered.and where there were disputes and persecutions for the control of public positions, ideology, religion, power, land tenure, in addition to murders, aggressions, persecutions, destruction of private property and terrorism due to the political alignment, Salamanca, Manuel Ernesto (2007), with a figure of 200,000 to 300,000 deaths and the forced migration of more than two million people, equivalent to almost a fifth of the total population of Colombia, which at that time reached 11 million inhabitants, in In reality it was a barbaric war with flocks and flocks of the dead that were carried away by the river, this river that is Colombia, our country, which suffers today as it has always suffered.and where there were disputes and persecutions for the control of public positions, ideology, religion, power, land tenure, in addition to murders, aggressions, persecutions, destruction of private property and terrorism due to the political alignment, Salamanca, Manuel Ernesto (2007), with a figure of 200,000 to 300,000 deaths and the forced migration of more than two million people, equivalent to almost a fifth of the total population of Colombia, which at that time reached 11 million inhabitants, in In reality it was a barbaric war with flocks and flocks of the dead that were carried away by the river, this river that is Colombia, our country, which suffers today as it has always suffered.destruction of private property and terrorism by political alignment, Salamanca, Manuel Ernesto (2007), with a figure of 200,000 to 300,000 deaths and the forced migration of more than two million people, equivalent to almost a fifth of the total population of Colombia, which by then had 11 million inhabitants, in reality it was a barbaric war with flocks and flocks of the dead that were carried away by the river, this river that is Colombia, our country, which suffers today as it has always suffered.destruction of private property and terrorism due to political alignment, Salamanca, Manuel Ernesto (2007), with a figure of 200,000 to 300,000 deaths and the forced migration of more than two million people, equivalent to almost a fifth of the total population of Colombia, which by then had 11 million inhabitants, in reality it was a barbarous war with flocks and flocks of dead that were carried away by the river, this river that is Colombia, our country, which suffers today as it has always suffered.In reality it was a barbaric war with flocks and flocks of the dead that the river carried away, this river that is Colombia, our country, which suffers today as it has always suffered.In reality it was a barbaric war with flocks and flocks of the dead that the river carried away, this river that is Colombia, our country, which suffers today as it has always suffered.
The period between 1948 and 1953: it was characterized by the armed confrontation between liberal peasants and conservative peasants, and gave rise to the formation of liberal guerrillas that were called "rabble" and the use of the police who were called "birds.", as a weapon of conservatism to counter the former. Guerra, María del Rosario, Plata, Juan José (2012).
Later between the years of 1953 and 1957 and during the regime of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, who had decreed and breached an amnesty between the actors in the conflict that had already begun; It caused many liberal peasants to return to arms and to gather in self-defense groups, in the presence of the army in the field.
In the 1960s, more exactly in 1964, the oldest guerrilla in Latin America was born, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and since then they have not rested for a moment, with their bombs, kidnappings, confrontations, and deaths, at the They have destroyed and cracked the state apparatus, they have permeated their governments and the system against which they fight under Marxist-Leninist ideals, outraged to exhaustion only as a sad excuse to dedicate themselves to drug trafficking, extortion, violence, intimidating the Colombian people and thus sustain the war that was invented.
From this decade of the 60's onwards, all governments have cemented their speeches, their programs, their policies in relation to this guerrilla and the conflict, each and every one; but they have not been able to do anything against this monstrosity whose main head was alias Manuel Marulanda Vélez. During the government of Álvaro Uribe, the perception was created that this insurrection was coming to an end, but it was not, there they are “alive and well”, although this government should be credited with the great blows perpetrated against this guerrilla, in which several fell members of the Secretariat and where its influence was reduced in many territories and departments, but paying a very high price, since some reforms were carried out in this government, where it cut the budget for education, health, basic sanitation, etc., to invest it in war,in the purchase of more weapons and the creation of more soldiers. Along with the guerrillas we have the paramilitaries, curiously created by Uribe there in 1997, under the name of "Self-defense" or "Convivir."
In terms of demobilization and clearance, the application of the Security Statute has been seen; the Diplomacy for Neutralization, of the Barco and Gaviria administrations, with multiple approaches and ruptures, the strongest being the rupture with the FARC and the assault on Casa Verde, but in the same way, the demobilization and reinsertion process of the M- 19, EPL, Quintin Lame, PRT, CRS, as well as the holding of the 1991 National Constituent Assembly. Then we have the frustration and failure resulting from negotiations to build an agenda, delimitation of a clearing area to advance the negotiations, five municipalities, with an exacerbation of the armed confrontation, under the slogan of negotiating in the middle of the war (Rincón García,John Jairo) and the experience of the Democratic Security policy of President Uribe, who submitted to the paramilitaries the path of demobilization that began in 2003, and whose legal framework was established in Law 975 of 2005, or law of justice and peace. It was precisely this decision that made Caribbean departments such as Córdoba and Sucre, formerly havens of peace, filled with a horde of demobilized, also unemployed, who began to commit crimes especially in the capital cities, because what was achieved with this demobilization is That the conflict mutated, they moved from the countryside to the city transforming the former rebels into arms into emerging gangs in the post-conflict, then in the capitals of these departments the numbers of robberies, deaths,common crime is here to stay.
Gone are the times when people could sit quietly on the terraces of their houses to take in the cool of the afternoon while talking about the events of the day that passed, surrounded by family and even neighbors, and it was also possible to walk around late at night. of the night without fear of being mugged, or outraged. All this has been left behind and today citizens are demanding more security, greater guarantees from the institutions in charge of promoting the safeguarding of people.
Currently, with the government of Juan Manuel Santos, Colombia has once again believed in the idea of a peace process, with the dialogues between the government and the FARC guerrillas, which began in Oslo, Norway and are taking place today in Havana, Cuba and whose main objective is to end through dialogue with the scourge of the conflict that for more than fifty years has stigmatized the Colombian people; This process has had four stages, the initial one with secret conversations that lasted approximately six months, the second where some agreements are begun to be finalized, the third of review and legalization and a fourth where all the previous agreements will be implemented. Among the most important points on the agenda of the meetings in Havana are the discussions on agrarian reform,comprehensive agricultural development policy; the participation in political life that the members of the FARC will have if a definitive laying down of arms were to occur; the end of all war activity by this guerrilla, the review of the drug policy, and the reparation that must be made to the victims, both of the State and of that guerrilla, Sandoval Forero, Eduardo Andrés. (2013).
The post-conflict is what awaits us after the talks on the Havana stage where the peace agreements are currently being developed, come to a happy end and do not end up being a hecatomb as Andrés Pastrana's Caguán was in his time.
Defining the post-conflict as "the phase that comes after the final signing of the peace accords, but that in some sense it is desirable to build during the conflict" 2, we have to understand, it is at this stage where the government should try to get its " so ”up his sleeve, to risk everything for everything and propose a true recomposition of society that includes issues such as the demobilization of armed actors, citizen security, reintegration, but especially this part of a social recomposition is where it should be the emphasis and where all the energies should be put to change the current panorama that exists in the main Colombian cities, where only crime and impunity reign and where bullets, micro-trafficking, "vaccines" proliferate in the neighborhoods. others;In addition to the above, the perception of security is also at its worst.
It is then at this stage, after the end of this peace process in which the demobilization and investigation of events in which the members of the FARC are related must be faced, which in my opinion will take a long time to achieve, since that it is a slow process, that it takes time to go from one transition to another and that it is as complex here, as in any scenario worldwide.
According to Boulding, "conflict is a form of competition where the competing parties acknowledge having mutually incompatible goals", in which various types of processes are presented (negotiation, facilitation, making agreements or mediation). Boulding KE (1962); And it is in each of these stages where the government must be strong, arguing its positions without giving ground to this guerrilla and not being so complacent, because this has been an armed group that has shown to have two faces, on the one hand it promises some things and on the other hand, it does not comply with them, so that the mistake of disguising this war for peace is not made.
Throughout all these years, it has been seen how the war has caused a great number of victims; Furthermore, it has been reiterated that on the military side, that is, the confrontation of both sides, no way out has been found, neither the guerrillas nor the government have been able to triumph; So the only way out for Colombia is through politics, diplomacy and dialogue.
The post-conflict should foster a scenario with a view to the Colombian government restructuring the politics of this country, fostering spaces for a good education that guarantees stability for children and young people, social investment with dignity, jobs with decent salaries, technology at service of the people in all their spheres, authority and respect for institutions, renewal of politics and politicians who sell to the country, political parties based on society, where justice is recognized and criminals are treated as such and not as "presumed" and that they pay for their atrocities.
On the other hand, there are the victims, a good part of the State's policies must be directed towards them, in search of strategic planning for rehabilitation and reconstruction, and in general there must be awareness towards a culture from the institutionality not only from the public sector, Rather, it summons universities, businessmen, foundations and social organizations that provide instruments and solutions to assist the victims of the armed conflict by reestablishing the truth, in order to improve their conditions and open the doors to better forms of coexistence..
References
- Boulding KE. Conflict and defense. New York: Harper and Raw Publishers; 1962.The Bogotazo: Memories of Oblivion, Bogotá, Colombian Planet. 1987 Peace, violence: exceptional witnesses, 3rd. Edition, Bogotá, Colombian Planet, Guerra, María del Rosario, Plata, Juan José. State of the investigation on conflict, post-conflict, reconciliation and the role of civil society in Colombia. Revista de Estudios Sociales 2005, (August): Available at: ISSN 0123-885X. (Nd). IMBIOMED database. The Post-conflict in Colombia:. Retrieved from http://www.imbiomed.com.mx/1/1/articulos.php (Retrieved on August 4, 2014). (Nd). Las2Orillas. Colombia in the violent post-conflict - Las2Orillas.CO. Retrieved from (Retrieved on July 29, 2014) Rueda Bedoya, Rafael. Forced displacement and the pacification of the country. National university of Colombia,Medellín Headquarters, 2000. Article published in “Approaches and methodologies on habitat: memories of a pedagogical experience”. Essays Forum No. 15 (2000). Available at bdigital.unal.edu.co. Accessed September 18, 2012. RINCÓN GARCÍA, John Jairo. And where is the land? Versions of the paramilitaries on land-territory and delivery of goods for the reparation of the victims in the framework of the Justice and Peace process in Colombia (2007-2009). Colombian Journal of Sociology,, v. 33, n. 1 p. 125-174, Jun. 2010. ISSN 2256-5485. Available from: Date of access: 25 Aug. 2014 Salamanca, Manuel Ernesto. Political Violence and Dynamic Models: A Study on the Colombian Case. Volume 9 of Human Rights - Giza Eskubideak. Editorial Alberdania, 2007. ISBN 8496643573, 9788496643574Sandoval Forero, Eduardo Andrés. (2013).THE ROADS TO PEACE IN COLOMBIA. Ra Ximhai, May-August, 105-129.
